One such recurrent
subject, as we have just seen, is that of the county of Yorkshire in
England. Nearly half of the sites we have examined imply some
specific link to this region though their surrounding toponymy —
and, of course, all can relate, at least tangentially to Yorkshire
(as can virtually everything else in Toronto) by way of this city's
former title of York. Here, then, would seem as good a spot as any to
begin our synthesis of the data by investigating the significance of
that place to this.
In doing so, however, let
us first note that, officially, Toronto was not named directly for
York the place, but rather for Prince Frederick Augustus, Duke of
York and Albany. With that being said, one still might expect this
initial tribute to account for the abundance of Yorkshire-inspired
toponyms now found throughout the area. Yet, while such reasoning may
stand for certain locations and features (re)named during the
founding of York under Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe — principally the
Don, the Humber, and Scarborough — it would not necessarily account
for such later toponyms as Todmorden, Beaumont, Milne, Thackeray, and
so forth. Correspondingly, if Simcoe's names were merely intended to
honour the titles of Frederick, would one not expect more — or even
any — local references to the Dukedom of Albany in northern
Scotland as well? Highland Creek aside (which, as previously
discussed, likely has no relation to the Scottish Highlands...nor to
Simcoe, for that matter), Yorkshire alone seems to have been singled
out. Seeing as neither the Duke, nor the Lieutenant, were
Yorkshiremen themselves, there would seem little sentimental impetus
behind such nomenclature. And while settlers from the region, and
their descendents, may certainly have played a role in much of the
subsequent York-based toponymy, we still must ask why so many of
these names are now linked to the strange artifacts we've been
encountering.
As previously observed,
Yorkshire holds important ties to the Celts, Saxons, Romans, and
Norse — Druids, Pagans, and Christians alike. And all of these
peoples — or, at least, elements thereof — would, in turn, seem
to hold various ties to our ruins, as well. Such a successions of
overlapping and displacing cultures, however, has also left in its
wake a rich heritage of ruination in and of itself. Indeed, even by
the time of William I's harrying, nearly one thousand years ago,
Yorkshire was already noted for its numerous stations of abandonment
and decay. Almost half of this county's land, in fact, was recorded
in the Domesday Book as un-taxable "waste" —
vacant properties ravaged by centuries of previous violence and
neglect (William's own handiwork not withstanding). Yorkshire, then,
continued in this matter, through medieval and later times, creating
ruins of such renown as Fountains Abbey, Scarborough Castle, and the
aforementioned Pontefract. But, perhaps, this region most
distinguishes itself in sites of prehistoric consequence. Counting
those already detailed, first among these would be the Mesolithic
settlement of Star Carr, just south of Scarborough, where one finds
artifacts dating as far back as 11,000 BC, including the remains of a
house that is possibly the oldest structure in all of Britain (set
intriguingly alongside the ritually altered skulls of numerous red
deer stags). Then, just a little further south in the East Riding of
Yorkshire (and a little further ahead in archaeological periods) one
finds the Rudston Monolith, a Neolithic menhir which, at some 25
feet, is the tallest standing stone within the British Isles.
Additional to these is a triad of circular Bronze Age earthworks
known as the Thornborough Henges which, together, rank amongst the
largest prehistoric formations in the whole of the United Kingdom.
All this then said, could it be that Yorkshire's most appreciable
connection to Toronto's ruins is simply found in its own extensive
history of the same?
Before contemplating the
ramifications of such a "ruins for ruins' sake" analysis,
let us first engage with that other aspect of Yorkshire's symbolic
relevance: namely its heraldic association with the white rose —
or, more particular to our interests, the colour white itself; and
then, by extention, its contrasting connection to the colour red. One
cannot have failed to notice that both of these colours recur
frequently throughout our investigations; albeit red rather more so,
and often with respect to some yet unknown "red king."
"Whiteness" as such, however, is duly bolstered if we deign
to include all of the numerous references to things described as
being "bright" or "shinning" — the prime
attributes of any visible, or "white light" (recalling,
now, the Lucifer/Leucippus cognacy) — and still further if, from
here, we add to this luminous list all references with some solar, lunar, or
stellar relation. Then, in looking back to the original white rose of
York, we might add yet another recurring element to the mix, noting
that this emblem was initially a symbol of the Virgin Mary (with both
the colour and the flower representing her purity), and only later
adopted as a heraldic device to signify its bearer's faith (with the
Mortimer family, in the Yorkist case, likely being the originators).
Meanwhile, despite the
amount of redness alluded to throughout our various sites, references
to the red rose lands of Lancashire come in not at all the same
supply as those of our familiar York. Indeed, aside from the boarder
town of Todmorden (which, by today's boundaries, lies entirely within
the riding of West Yorkshire) there really are none to speak of. It
is perhaps, then, relevant to observe that the red rose was not, by
many accounts, a symbol in contemporary usage by the House of
Lancaster during the so-call "Wars of the Roses" (this very
name, in fact, owes more to Shakespeare and Walter Scott than any
actual history). Only after the two houses were united through the
marriage of Henry Tudor and Elizabeth of York do we find the red
rose, together with the white, in the form of the Tudor Rose. But
while the rose, as a symbol, may have been a later fabrication, red
was by no means an arbitrary choice, having been associated with the
Lancastrian line since the founding of this dynasty. It is also,
perhaps, more than mere coincidence that both red and white were
already well recognized as English colours, being flown on the banner
of St. George; an emblem popularized in Britain, and across Europe,
since the days of the Crusades (though not an official sign of
England, it should be said, until some time after Henry's reign).
Pursuant to this
trajectory, it is interesting to note that the marriage of a "red
king" to a "white queen" is, as previously discussed,
also a common motif within alchemy, being often symbolized by the
union of a red and white rose, as well. Both the rubedo
(reddening) and the albedo (whitening) are included among
the four traditional colour-coded stages of the alchemical Magnum
Opus (the others being the nigredo/blackening and the
citrinitas/yellowing), with the rubedo being the final
step in this process of achieving the elusive "philosopher's
stone" (to be interpreted as literally, or figuratively, as one
may wish). However, as we read in the Turba Philosophorum, one
of the oldest known texts on this subject: "Know, all ye
seekers after this Art, that unless ye whiten, ye cannot make red,
because the two natures are nothing other than red and white. Whiten,
therefore, the red, and redden the white!" Exactly what is
involved in such cryptic procedures is obscure, and differs from
source to source. Nonetheless, these two colours remain constantly
bound, complementary and interdependent.
Meeting of the White Queen and Red King from the Splendor Solis, a 16th century German alchemical text |
With that said, however,
we'll also note that these colours, as many times as not, are found,
beyond the scope of alchemy, to be at odds with one another: besides
the Wars of the Roses, we might recall the red and white dragons of
ancient Britain, the red and white crowns of ancient Egypt, and so
forth. Yet, why red and white should either conflict with, or
accompany each other so frequently is not at all readily apparent. To
the modern mind's eye, black is generally seen as the counterpart of
white; while blue, or perhaps green, is the most typical chromatic
foil for red.
In order to better
understand this dichotomy we might remember that the alchemical "red
king" was, among other things, symbolic of the sun, while the
alchemical "white queen" was, likewise, symbolic of the
moon. Here, then, we appear to have that most fundamental duality of
day and night — and, as elaborated through a customary stock of
metaphors, such others as life and death, order and chaos, the
masculine and the feminine, the waking world and that of the dream,
etc. Still, though, a question seems to remain. That the moon should
be viewed as white is, of course, not surprising. Its whiteness is
perceptibly evident. But why the sun should be equated with the
colour red, rather than the more conventional yellow or gold, is not
quite as obvious. That is until we recall the common conflation of
red and gold, as outlined in our discussion of the Golden Fleece.
Indeed, the yellowing stage of citrinitas (that of the "solar
dawn" or "awakening") was often conflated with, or
condensed into the rubedo stage by certain schools — whereas
the object of that final red stage, the philosopher's stone, was said
to be the secret of gold itself. Here, too, we may remark that both
the houses of York and Lancaster ultimately claim descent from the
sons of Eleanor de Provence, who bore a golden rose as her badge.
And, in moving from the historical to the scientific, it is also
worth considering that the yellow wavelength sits at the very centre
of the white light spectrum, which then proceeds to extend into the
invisible realms of infra-red, at one extreme, and ultra-violet at
the other — recollecting, now, how reds and purples are often
conflated as well, or can otherwise be combined in deep, royal
palettes of burgundy and maroon (presumably, here, somewhere off on the dark
side of electromagnetic infinity).